Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's Address to the Likud Central Committee on "Disengagement"

(January 5, 2004)

Prime Minister Ariel Sharon addressed the central committee of the Likud Party to affirm his "Disengagement Plan" for unilateral withdrawl, which he announced in December 2003 at the Herzliya Conference. Sharon informs the committee that, as Prime Minister of Israel, and head of the Likud party, he plans on going forth with his plan even if the Central Committee refuses to go along with him. This speech Sharon also refers to the Roadmap with Israel's 14 reservations -- this is the first time in several months that Sharon has referred to the 14 reservations.

Ministers of the Likud Party,

Members of Knesset

Recently elected Mayors and their Deputies,

Members of the Likud Committee

I would like to dedicate tonight to the concerns of the members of the Central Committee. I meet with Ministers and Members of Knesset, hear what they have to say and listen. However, due to the constraints of my position, it is difficult for me to meet with all the members of the Central Committee, and therefore, it is important to me to hear all opinions, even those I disagree with.

Because in the end, it is the Prime Minister who must make the decisions.

It is my responsibility to make all due considerations, hear all the points of view and decide. I, together with the other elected officials, decide, and I must implement the decisions. I was elected to do so. This is what the people expect, both Likud voters and those who voted for other parties. And they are right to expect this.

The State of Israel is facing an historic decision. Either we succeed in ending once and for all the terror against us, or we will have to act, without an agreement, in order to provide maximum security to all citizens of Israel.

We aspire to implement the Roadmap, together with the 14 reservations, in all its stages, as quickly as possible. The Roadmap is the only political plan that can bring about peace, since its first step is the total cessation and uprooting of terror. The Likud has always insisted that only security will bring peace. Only security will bring peace.

This is the genuine vision of peace, and our hands are extended to anyone who is ready to adopt and realize it. However, the test will be of actions, not words.

We have not, nor will we ever, conduct political negotiations under fire. No prize will be awarded for terror. We will not give in to the pressures of our political opponents who have adopted the Arab position almost without reservation.

However, if we achieve security, we will give a great deal. If terrorist infrastructures are completely dismantled, if weapons are collected, if a new Palestinian Authority is set up that is democratic and terror-free, if the incitement is stopped, the Government of Israel that we, the Likud Party, lead, will be ready to fulfill its part and enable the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, at first with temporary borders, and finally through a permanent agreement. Clearly, in the permanent agreement we will have to give up some of the Jewish settlements.

Only abandoning terror will allow the Palestinians to take a place of honor in the community of free nations and achieve the freedom and prosperity to which they are entitled.

The United States, our friend and ally, has given its complete agreement to this. I am acting, and will continue to act in full coordination with President Bush and his team. The Roadmap has been accepted by the international community, which is today united in its fight against terror, wherever it is found, under the brave leadership of the President of the United States.

Israel will fulfill all of its commitments, including putting an end to lawbreaking in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip. The Jewish settlers are among the best in this country, men and women who are courageous, full of dedication to the State and to Zionism. However, they must also, like all of us, abide by the law and obey the instructions of the Government and security forces.

If, within a few months, it becomes clear that we have no partner, that the Palestinians insist on rejecting our hand that is extended toward peace, if they continue their terror attack, if they remain entrenched in the camp of the enemies of humanity, then we will have to act alone, in full coordination with our allies, led by the United States, in order to provide maximum security for the residents of Israel.

We will undertake political and physical disengagements until they change their path. We will extend a security line that will prevent any passage to our territory. The IDF and the settlements will be deployed along the security line, a portion of the settlements will be relocated in order to reduce friction and protect our soldiers, the settlers, the residents of Jerusalem and the central region and all citizens of Israel in the best way possible.

An agreement would be better than a unilateral move. An agreement would be better for us, and better for the Palestinians, who will gain much less from the Disengagement Plan than they would from a political agreement.

However, if we reach the conclusion that we have no choice, I will act without hesitation. In the absence of a Palestinian partner, my plan, the "Disengagement Plan," constitutes the best security plan.

That is my plan and I will pass it.

My fellow Committee members.

The security challenge is the most important challenge we face, but it is not the only one. The Government under my leadership has introduced a determined economic policy, headed by the Minister of Finance, of which all the ministers are party to, each in his or her own field. We are not deterred for an instant from tackling the most painful problems that have deterred every Government in Israel.

Now that we have successfully passed the "braking" phase, there is more than one indication that we are on the path of recovery and growth. The economic crisis has left a trail of actual problems. The situation is not easy for many people, and even extremely difficult in some cases. There is great distress. The Ministers and Members of Knesset are sensitive to this distress and are acting to reduce it as much as possible.

Allow me to present an example.

I am especially concerned with the condition of children at risk, from the disenfranchised sectors. This week, following a conversation with several members of our party, I decided that we must push harder for the introduction of a long school day, and at its center, proper nutrition for every child. It is better to cut back child allowances that go to the parents, and instead use the money to provide a warm meal and educational learning framework for every child who needs it. That is one of the steps in the socio-economic field that the Likud must - and will - lead.

This is but one example of the way the entire Likud Party is leading, and will continue to lead in the socio-economic sphere. This is how the largest party in the Knesset works, with a sense of responsibility, through mutual conviction, by making brave decisions and acting determinedly together, only together, to carry them out.

We are the ruling party. We were elected in order to lead and implement. Every one of us has a role to play, because only together, as one person, with one heart, can we realize the hopes of our voters.

We have four more years ahead of us. We have the time and the strength to act.

I am convinced that with your contributions and with our help, we will lead the state of Israel to prosperity and growth, tranquility and peace.

Binyamin Netanyahu speech at The Likud Central Committee Gathering

Tel Aviv, 12.5.02

(French Translation) (Hebrew)

Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, honored ministers, Knesset members, Likud Central Committee members, dear friends.

We have gathered here to discuss a Palestinian state. But in order to do so we must first discuss the Jewish state.

Many have written off our state. They have said that we have lost our stamina, our staying power, that we have split up into different tribes that do not share a common vision, that we no longer have the strength to fight our enemies, enemies that use unbridled terror against us.

However, the events of the past few weeks have proved to the entire world that just the opposite is true.

We have proved that we are still able to unite as one to face the dangers posed to us and repel them. We have shown that when we act out of resolve and faith, we can overcome our enemies.

We have refused to give in to terror and defeatism, we have refused to accept the baseless drivel that "there is no military solution to terror." As if there is any other solution to terror! As if the right way to fight terror is to make political concessions, which in fact only increases terror.

Today, most of the Israeli nation understands that it is impossible to reach any kind of solution with the Palestinians before the terrorist forces are completely routed, before they lose all hope of ever achieving their goal – which is the destruction of the State of Israel.

But in order to decisively prevail over terror, we must do three things, about which I have been talking for these many months.

The first thing we must do is to complete the removal of all Palestinian fighters, weapons and ammunition from the area.

The Prime Minister and the government began this important operation, but it has not yet been completed. But even this partial operation proves the extent to which it has contributed to reducing the level of terror and restoring Israel’s power of deterrence.

However, there are still two more steps which have not yet been carried out, and which are also vital if we are to eradicate terror.

The second step is to establish security buffer zones opposite the main Palestinian population centers in order to seal off the free passage of Palestinians into our cities and towns.

Let me emphasize – I am not talking about a fence along the 1967 lines, which would only bring the Palestinians even closer to us. And neither am I talking about a political border of any kind in any location, which would only make it more difficult for us to act on its other side.

What I am talking about is a physical buffer opposite the Palestinians’ main population centers, the source of most of the terror. We would be able to go in there, but they would not be able to come in here.

That is the second step.

But there is a third step, and it is the most important one of all. We must completely and totally eradicate Arafat’s regime and remove him from the vicinity!

This is because Arafat is the engine that drives the terror, restoring and reestablishing it each time anew. He is responsible for poisoning the hearts and minds of an entire generation of Palestinian children with boundless hatred for Israel and Israelis.

He is the one calling for a million suicide murderers – shaheeds – equipping them with explosive belts and paying them to kill us in our coffeehouses, our hotels, our buses – to murder as many as possible Jews anywhere and at any time. This one thing must be understood: If we do not remove Arafat and his regime, the terror will return and increase. And only if we do remove them is there any chance of turning a new leaf in our relationship with the Palestinians.

Let us not forget that Arafat is committed to what has guided him his entire life – the destruction of the State of Israel by means of terror. Many among us believed that he had abandoned this goal and this path.

But today, with the exception of very few, the vast majority of the people – right, left and center – realize that Arafat’s talk of peace was nothing more than an exercise in deceit, that his word means nothing, that his signature means nothing, that any agreement signed with him means nothing.

Therefore, if we indeed seek peace, we have no choice but to get rid of Arafat. Only then, can we open the door to hope of reconciliation with the Palestinians.

These three steps – removal of all fighters and weapons, the establishment of buffer zones and the removal of Arafat and his regime – are the necessary conditions for the restoration of security to our land. No one step on its own is sufficient – that would be like taking just one-third of a dosage of antibiotics – which does not do any good at all.

From all this, it is clear that not only must we not hold negotiations with Arafat, but we must not participate in a regional conference that includes him or anyone representing him.

Because who would attend such a conference? Great lovers of Israel like the Saudis, who provide funding for the suicide murders; the Europeans, who support Arafat; the United Nations, which automatically positions itself against us; and of course, Arafat or his representatives.

Not only will we not distance Arafat by participating in such a conference, but we would be rehabilitating him and his international legitimacy, which has recently been dealt a serious blow. Not only would we be facing him or his representatives, we would have to face a broad international front that would support him and make impossible demands of us.

We must not attend a conference of this kind. We must not enter this trap.

But some say: What choice do we have? The whole world is against us.

That is not true, but even if it were, every country must take the steps that are crucial to safeguard its own security, its own survival and that of its citizens, at any price, certainly at the cost of international condemnation.

But in this case I repeat that not everyone in the world is against us! The great American nation is not only not against us – it supports us, and by a huge majority!

And that is important, because in the final analysis, what determines the position of the administration in the United States is public opinion – especially since the current administration – and primarily President Bush, knows perfectly well just who Arafat is and what he is striving for.

We have the ability to sway this public opinion. Because the American people is in general a decent nation that cannot stomach a double standard. The citizens of the United States understand very well that terror is the absolute evil that must be eradicated.

And they understand that it must be fought militarily. Just as they are fighting against the terror aimed at them, taking it by the roots, they recognize our right to fight against the terror that targets us.

When the Prime Minister asked me to help stem the tide of pressure on us and consolidate support for Israel in the United States, I of course immediately agreed to do so.

While I had been doing this on my own for an entire year beforehand, this time I went to Washington with a special goal. I met with scores of Senators and many members of Congress.

I spoke with Vice President Cheney, with National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, with Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, with reporters and columnists, Jews and non-Jews.

I appeared at huge gatherings and rallies in support of Israel held in Washington and London.

If I had any influence at all in these appearances, it was because I came not as a representative of the government, from which unfortunately we hear opposed and contradictory voices, but because I came as an individual presenting a clear and consistent stand, a stand that expresses a very broad consensus among the people today.

If I did have any problem in explaining our position, it was not related to the question of why Arafat should be removed – but rather why we haven't yet done so!

And in truth, not only are we not expelling Arafat, not only have we released him, not only are we giving in to his plan to internationalize the conflict, but we are doing something even more serious and dangerous:

We are promising Palestinian terror the greatest prize of all – the establishment of a Palestinian state.

Today most of the Israeli public realizes that a Palestinian state under Arafat would be a bastion of terror directed at the destruction of the State of Israel.

But what about a Palestinian state without Arafat, under different leadership, after the Tanzim and the Al-Aqsa Brigades have seemingly undergone reforms and become transparent, more responsible, under a different command?

What will happen then? Okay – let’s talk about this latest illusion.

The question is whether in a future settlement, the Palestinians would indeed enjoy self-rule. I, for one, have no desire whatever to rule over even a single Palestinian.

The question is whether we can agree that they have sovereign authority, power that goes beyond self-rule, which every country has. This power would include:

the right to have full control over borders, through which they could import unlimited arms and solders. States control their own air space – a Palestinian state would have the right to shoot down any Israeli plane overflying it without permission. States have the right to make military alliances with other countries – a Palestinian state would have the right to make such alliances with Syria, Iraq, Libya, etc. States control the water sources underground – a Palestinian state would have the right to control the mountain aquifer which supplies about 30 percent of Israel’s water and most of our drinking water. Even those who support the establishment of a Palestinian state are unwilling under any circumstances to give this power to the Palestinians. But the moment we agree to give them a state, that is exactly what we would be giving them!

It must be understood that sovereignty has its own power. Even if an agreement limiting certain sovereign rights were signed, within a short time, this Palestinian state would demand to have all these rights and would realize them, whether we agreed or not.

The world would not stand in the way of allowing the Palestinian state to appropriate all this authority, which would give it the power to destroy the State of Israel, but it would stand in our way if we tried to prevent it from realizing these rights.

Already today, under Arafat’s limited regime, the Palestinian are in wholesale violation of the restrictions they committed to in the Oslo agreements. They are smuggling weapons, polluting water sources, building an army, creating military ties with Iran, and instead of fighting against terror – they are the ones creating it and intensifying it.

And when we enter Area A to fight against terror, as is our right according to the agreements, the entire world is scandalized (Look what happened in Jenin!). Now imagine what would happen if there were a state there, that we agreed to, a state whose borders the entire world recognized.

If we agreed to such a state, we would be shackling the Israeli army in iron chains of our own making, thus creating a danger to our very existence.

The danger posed to Israel by a Palestinian state has been defined precisely by Arafat himself. This is what Arafat said in the Arab-language media on the day he signed the Declaration of Principles of the Oslo agreement on the White House lawn, and I quote:

"Because we cannot defeat Israel in war – we must do so in phases. We will take any Palestinian territory we can lay our hands on and establish our sovereignty on it. Then we will use it as a jumping board for other conquests. And when the time comes, we will persuade the Arab countries to join us in delivering a mortal blow to Israel."

That is what Arafat said.

In any future agreement, if and when we get that far, I see self-rule in which the Palestinians will have the freedom to rule themselves. But to establish a state, with everything that that concept entails, with all the powers I have enumerated, which would endanger Israel’s existence – that no.

Not under Arafat or under any other leadership. Not today, not tomorrow, not ever. The Palestinians can have full rights – with the exception of one: the right to destroy the State of Israel!

Self-rule – yes! A state – no!

We are told that a Palestinian state is the vision of the future. Okay, our nation also has a vision for the future: "And the wolf will lie down with the lamb" and when that vision is realized in the Middle East, we will be willing to discuss the subject once again.

I would like to read to you something that was said by a person who understood well and profoundly analyzed the danger posed to the survival of the State of Israel by a Palestinian state. This person was not a member of Moledet or the National Religious Party or the Likud. He was not even a member of the Labor party.

He was the leader of Mapam, the forerunner of today’s Meretz, the late Yaakov Hazan, who made the following comments in 1978, when minds in Israel had not yet been brainwashed by the sweeping propaganda of the proponents of Oslo. And this is what Yaakov Hazan said, and I quote:

"Guaranteeing our national survival requires that we fight against the establishment of another Arab state on the West Bank. The entire essence of such a state would be directed against the existence of the State of Israel. No agreements or contracts would do any good – nor would peace treaties. Life is stronger than any of these.

"Squeezed in between two states – Jordan on the east and Israel on the West – this state would be a pressure cooker, always on the verge of bursting, with the explosion directed first of all westward – against us.

"It would be a state that would not be able or want to control the ‘dissidents’ among it, with the excuse that it is too weak to do so. It would become the most dangerous of jumping boards for terror directed against us. And ultimately, when we once again would be required to take matters into our own hands – and to fight with one raid following on the heels of another, we would appear in the eyes of the world to be conspiring against the existence of a young state that had just been born."

Some might say that reality has changed since them. Indeed it has – exactly as Yaakov Hazan expected it would. And if we continue on this path and enable the establishment of a Palestinian state, his prophetic words will come true in their entirety.

That is the reason I objected so firmly to the establishment of a Palestinian state when I was prime minister. The Oslo agreement was still in force then, before Arafat completely voided it. We did what we could then to keep the damage caused by the agreement to a minimum by insisting on the principle of reciprocity and reducing terror by directly threatening Arafat’s regime. And indeed, the level of terror dropped drastically.

As a result, the government that I headed, with the participation of then foreign minister Ariel Sharon, halted the withdrawal to the ’67 lines and during the three years I was in office, gave the Palestinians only 2 percent of the territory that was under our complete control. Arafat did not keep any of his other commitments, and consequently did not get even another inch of territory.

And I never at any time agreed to the establishment of a Palestinian state.

When Arafat threatened to declare a state in the United Nations in 1999, I made it clear from the UN podium that in response, Israel would seize considerable areas in Judea, Samaria and Gaza – and Arafat backed off.

The Likud has always been firmly opposed to the establishment of a Palestinian state in the heart of our homeland. This opposition has appeared in every Likud platform in election campaigns, including the most recent one.

That is what we went to the voters with, and that is what we got their mandate for. And all Likud leaders are committed to that mandate.

And now suddenly, without anyone authorizing it, without any democratic process, neither in the movement, the government, the Knesset and certainly not in general elections – by making uncalled for statements – one of the cornerstones of our platform and our national security has been undermined.

And in this way, the position of the left, which supports the establishment of a Palestinian state – the position held by Yossi Sarid and Shimon Peres – has suddenly become the official policy, as it were, of the State of Israel.

And as a result of this, it quickly became the official policy of the United States as well. Because if we support it, who can we expect from the Americans? That they be holier than the Pope?

This is not a minor change in some marginal section – it is one of our most basic positions, one that touches on our very survival.

Should we allow life or death decisions to be made in this way?

Whoever tells you that this is not on the agenda is either mistaken or misleading. Just today we have heard that Peres met with Mohammed Rashid to discuss the reforms needed over there in order to establish a Palestinian state. We have been told that we must not tie the government’s hands – and I say to you that on this crucial matter, we must halt the danger.

There is no question here of international "sensitivity," of seemingly "complex" matters, or of damaging the prime minister’s stature. The only question that should concern us is that of the survival of our nation, and it is only that survival that we must safeguard.

Dear friends, let me say this once again loud and clear: There will not be a Palestinian state west of the Jordan.

If we leave here tonight without making a decision on this matter, if we waffle or waver, not only will we not stop the rushing train of the Palestinian state, we will be stoking its fires and increasing its speed.

Because such an outcome would have only one interpretation: that the Likud has backed off from its own positions and given in to the dictate of the establishment a Palestinian state.

That must not happen.

From here, we must send out a message loud and clear to the entire world.

We must vote as one in favor of the proposal opposing the establishment of a Palestinian state.

We must not be frightened if the international community does not see eye to eye with us on these matters. Did the international community foresee the danger of the Holocaust? And when it finally opened its eyes, did it do anything to stop it? Did it as much as lift a finger?

Did it see the danger posed to our survival from the atomic reactor in Iraq? And when it did, did it not condemn us when Menachem Begin’s Likud government bombed that destructive facility from the air?

On matters vital to our survival, we have always taken resolute steps, and we have always spoken clearly, even when many others in the world did not agree with us.

Because, ultimately, the historical accounts are clear: Yes to a Palestinian state means no to a Jewish one. And yes to a Jewish state means no to a Palestinian one.


President Bush’s Address to the AIPAC (America Israel Public Affairs Committee) Policy Conference

(May 18, 2004)

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. Finally, AIPAC elected a President I can kiss. (Laughter and applause.)

I'm honored to be here at AIPAC, thank you for such a warm welcome. It's good to be with so many friends -- friends of mine and friends of Israel. (Applause.) For more than 50 years, the United States and Israel have been steadfast allies. AIPAC is one of the reasons why. (Applause.) You've worked tirelessly to strengthen the ties that bind our nations -- our shared values, our strong commitment to freedom. (Applause.)

By defending the freedom and prosperity and security of Israel, you're also serving the cause of America. (Applause.) Our nation is stronger and safer because we have a true and dependable ally in Israel. (Applause.) I appreciate -- (applause) -- I'm just getting warmed up. (Laughter and applause.)

I want to thank Amy for her leadership. (Applause.) I appreciate you taking time to serve a cause that -- in which you believe deeply. I want to thank Bernice for her willingness to serve, as well. (Applause.) I've known Howard for a long time. He's effective. (Laughter and applause.) I want to thank the AIPAC board -- AIPAC board members for their friendship and leadership. I'm honored to be in the presence of my friend, the Ambassador from Israel, Danny Ayalon. I appreciate you being here, Danny. (Applause.)

Ehud Olmert is with us. Ehud, it's good to see you again. Thank you, sir. (Applause.) I remember the first time we visited in 1998. I had just been re-elected as the Governor of Texas. I went to Israel, and Ehud welcomed me and three other governors to, I guess, your office. You were the Mayor, if I'm not mistaken, at that point in time. And you were focused on filling potholes and emptying the garbage of the people -- (laughter.) But we struck up a good relationship then, and it's great to see you again.

I appreciate the other ministers who are here, some of whom I have met before, some of whom I have had not the honor of meeting. I know I met Tommy before. Appreciate you all being here. Welcome to America. Thank you, Tommy. (Applause.)

I'd like to also recognize many people this morning who are learning to participate in democracy. I'm told there are over 850 students here from 50 states. (Applause.) Make sure the Texas students behave well. (Laughter.) Your mothers are watching. (Laughter.) I know there are buses outside waiting to take you to Capitol Hill. I'm told -- Howard told me there's over 500 meetings scheduled with members of the Senate and the House. That is good news. I'm sure you're going to pass this message on to them: A free, prosperous and secure Israel is in this nation's national interest. (Applause.)

AIPAC is doing important work. I hope you know that. In Washington and beyond, AIPAC is calling attention to the great security challenges of our time. You're educating Congress and the American people on the growing dangers of proliferation. You've spoken out on the threat posed by Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons. You've always understood and warned against the evil ambition of terrorism and their networks. In a dangerous new century, your work is more vital than ever. I thank you for doing your part in the cause of freedom. (Applause.)

Our nation, and the nation of Israel, have much in common. We're both relatively young nations, born of struggle and sacrifice. We're both founded by immigrants escaping religious persecution in other lands. We have both built vibrant democracies, built on the rule of law and market economies. And we're both countries founded on certain basic beliefs: that God watches over the affairs of men, and values every life. (Applause.)

These ties have made us natural allies, and these ties will never be broken. (Applause.) In the past, however, there was one great difference in the experience of our two nations: The United States, through most of our history, has been protected by vast oceans to our east and west, and blessed with friendly neighbors to our north and south. Israel has faced a different situation as a small country in a tough neighborhood. The Israeli people have always had enemies at their borders and terrorists close at hand. Again and again, Israel has defended itself with skill and heroism. And as a result of the courage of the Israeli people, Israel has earned the respect of the American people. (Applause.)

On September the 11th, 2001, Americans saw that we are no longer protected by geography from the dangers of the world. We experienced the horror of being attacked in our homeland, on our streets, and in places of work. And from that experience came an even stronger determination, a fierce determination to defeat terrorism and to eliminate the threat it poses to free people everywhere. (Applause.)

Not all terrorist networks answer to the same orders and same leaders, but all terrorists burn with the same hatred. They hate all who reject their grim vision of tyranny. They hate people who love freedom. They kill without mercy. They kill without shame. And they count their victories in the death of the innocent.

We saw the nature of this enemy again in recent days when terrorists in Iraq beheaded an American citizen, Nicholas Berg. The message that accompanied the videotape of this brutal slaying promised more such atrocities. Here's what the killer said, "We will send you coffin after coffin, box after box, slaughtered in this way." The faces of the terrorists were cloaked, but we have seen their kind before.

Followers of the terrorist ideology executed an elderly man in a wheelchair, Leon Klinghoffer, and pushed his body off the side of a ship into the sea. They kidnapped the journalist, Daniel Pearl, and cut his throat, because he was a Jew. This enemy has left blood on the streets of Jakarta and Jerusalem, Casablanca and Riyadh, Mombasa and Istanbul, Bali, Baghdad and Madrid. They have declared war on the civilized world -- and war is what they got. (Applause.)

Freedom-loving people did not seek this conflict. It has come to us by the choices of violent men, hateful men. See, we seek peace. We long for peace. Israel longs for peace. America longs for peace. Yet, there can be no peace without defending our security. (Applause.) There is only one path to peace and safety. America will use every resource we have to fight and defeat these enemies of freedom. (Applause.)

The lesson of September the 11th is clear and must never be forgotten. Emerging terrorist threats must be confronted before they can reach our country and harm our people. Every terrorist is at war with civilization, and every group or nation that aids them is equally responsible for the murders that the terrorists commit. (Applause.)

So America has led a relentless global campaign against terrorists and their supporters. We're chasing them down one by one in caves, and in shadows where they try to hide. (Applause.) We have uncovered -- we have uncovered terrorist cells on several continents. We've prevented a number of terrorist attacks. We've removed the Taliban regime, which sheltered the plotters of September the 11th. (Applause.) We have stopped shipments -- we have stopped shipments of chemical precursors and nuclear-related -- weapons-related components bound for states that sponsor terror. By speaking clearly, and by meaning what we say, countries like Libya have gotten the message and have renounced their weapons programs. (Applause.)

And for the sake of peace and security, we ended the regime of Saddam Hussein. (Applause.) That regime cast a shadow, a dark shadow of aggression over the Middle East for decades. They invaded both Iran and Kuwait. The regime built and used weapons of mass destruction against its neighbors, and its own people. The regime sponsored terror; it paid rewards of up to $25,000 to the families of Palestinian homicide bombers. That regime filled mass graves with innocent men, innocent women, and innocent children. That regime defied the demands of the free world, and America, for more than a decade. And America is more secure, and the world is better off, because that regime is no more. (Applause.)

America is on the offensive, and we will stay on the offensive until the terrorists are stopped and our people are safe. (Applause.) I will use every asset at our disposal to do our most important job, which is to protect the American people. (Applause.) And that includes the United States military. We have come to know the skill and the courage of the men and women of the United States military. (Applause.) They have fulfilled every mission their country has given to them. They and their families have endured long deployments and uncertainty. Our men and women in uniform have fought in mountain passes and desert sands in the remotest part of the world. They've lost brave friends and comrades, who will always be remembered and honored by a grateful nation. (Applause.)

They have done all this to defend our country and to advance the cause of freedom and peace. And their loved ones, and those who wear our uniform, must know that America is very grateful to their service. (Applause.)

The peace we seek depends on defeating the violent. Yet, we also have a larger mission in the world. In the long-term, we must end terrorist violence at its source by undermining the terrorist ideology of hatred and fear. Terrorists find influence and recruits in societies where bitterness and resentment are common, and hope and opportunity are rare. The world's best hope for lasting security and stability across the Middle East is the establishment of just and free societies.

And so across that vital region, America is standing for the expansion of human liberty. This historic task is not easy in a part of the world that has known so much oppression and stagnation and violence. It's hard work. Yet, we must be strong in our firm belief that every human heart desires to be free. We must be strong in our belief that free societies are hopeful societies and peaceful societies. (Applause.)

We have made progress that few would have predicted or expected just three years ago. In Afghanistan, our coalition is working with President Karzai to help the people of Afghanistan build a modern, peaceful and democratic government. In January, Afghans approved a new constitution that protects the rights of all Afghan citizens, including women. (Applause.) Through weeks of negotiation and compromise, they agreed upon a fundamental law that respects tradition and establishes a foundation of modern political rights, including free speech, due process, and a vote for every citizen. We're making progress.

In Iraq, Saddam's brutal dictatorship is gone, and in its place an Iraqi democracy is emerging. Iraqi leaders have signed a transitional administrative law that will guarantee basic freedoms. Iraq now has an independent judiciary, a free market, a new currency, more than 200 newspapers in circulation, and schools free of hateful propaganda. (Applause.)

It's hard work in Iraq. Our efforts are approaching a crucial moment. On June 30th, our coalition will transfer its authority to a sovereign Iraqi government. With the assistance of the United Nations and our coalition, Iraqi citizens are currently making important decisions about the nature and scope of the interim government. In time, Iraq will be a free and democratic nation, at the heart of the Middle East. This will send a message, a powerful message, from Damascus to Tehran, that democracy can bring hope to lives in every culture. (Applause.) And this advance of freedom will bring greater security to America and to the world. These are historic times, it's an historic opportunity. (Applause.)

Yet, as June 30th approaches, the enemies of freedom grow even more desperate to prevent a rise of democracy in Iraq. That's what you're seeing on your TV screens: desperation by a hateful few, people who cannot stand the thought of free societies in their midst. They're targeting brave Iraqis who are leaning toward democracy, such as Izzedine Salim, who was assassinated in Baghdad yesterday. They're murdering Iraqi policemen who stand as symbols of order. They're killing foreign aid workers who are helping to rebuild Iraq. They're attacking our military. Their goal is to undermine the will of our coalition and the will of America, and to drive us out before our mission is complete. They're not going to succeed. They will not shake the will of America. (Applause.)

My resolve is firm. (Applause.) The resolve of the American people is solid. Our military is skilled, spirits are high. They are determined to succeed. We understand the stakes are high for America and for the world. We will not be intimidated by thugs and assassins. We will win this essential important victory in the war on terror. (Applause.)

This is an historic moment. The world watches for weakness in our resolve. They will see no weakness. We will answer every challenge. U.S. Army soldiers and Iraqi security forces are systematically destroying the illegal militia in the south of Iraq. (Applause.) Coalition forces are working with Iraqis in Fallujah to end control by Saddam loyalists and foreign fighters. (Applause.) We're building up Iraqi security forces so they can safeguard their own country. We're flexible in our methods, but our goal is unchanging: Iraq will be free, and Iraq will be a democratic nation. (Applause.)

Freedom is also at the heart of our approach to bringing peace between Israel and the Palestinian people. The United States is strongly committed, and I am strongly committed, to the security of Israel as a vibrant Jewish state. (Applause.) Israel is a democracy and a friend, and has every right to defend itself from terror. (Applause.)

For the sake of peace, this country is committed to helping the Palestinian people establish a democratic and viable state of their own. (Applause.) Israel needs a truly responsible partner in achieving peace. (Applause.) The Palestinian people deserve democratic institutions and responsible leaders. (Applause.) Progress towards this vision creates responsibilities for Israel, the Palestinian people, and Arab nations. Before these two states -- before there can be two states, all parties must renounce violence and fight terror. (Applause.)

Security is the foundation for peace. (Applause.) All parties must embrace democracy and reform and take the necessary steps for peace. The unfolding violence in the Gaza Strip is troubling and underscores the need for all parties to seize every opportunity for peace. I supported the plan announced by Prime Minister Sharon to withdraw military installations and settlements from Gaza and parts of the West Bank. (Applause.) As I said in my statement on April 14, 2004, the Prime Minister's plan is a bold, courageous step, that can bring us closer to the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side-by-side in peace and security. (Applause.)

The Prime Minister's decision has given the Palestinian people and the free world a chance to take bold steps of their own toward peace. First, the Palestinian people must reject corrupt and failed leaders, and insist on a leadership committed to reform and progress and peace. (Applause.) Second, they must renounce terror and violence that frustrate their aspirations and take so many innocent lives. (Applause.) And, finally, by taking these steps, they will have an opportunity, a fantastic opportunity to build a modern economy and create the institutions and habits of liberty. The Palestinian people deserve a better future. (Applause.) And that future -- and that future can be achieved through democracy. (Applause.)

Many in this room have worked and waited a lifetime for peace in the Holy Land. I hear that deep concern for peace. Our vision is a Middle East where young Israelis and Palestinians can play and learn and grow without living in the shadow of death. (Applause.) Our vision is a Middle East where borders are crossed for purposes of trade and commerce, not crossed for the purposes of murder and war. (Applause.) This vision is within our grasp if we have the faith and the courage and the resolve to achieve it. (Applause.)

Perhaps the deepest obstacle to peace is found in the hearts of men and women. The Jewish people have seen, over the years and over the centuries, that hate prepares the way for violence. The refusal to expose and confront intolerance can lead to crimes beyond imagining. So we have a duty to expose and confront anti-Semitism, wherever it is found. (Applause.)

Some of you attended a very important event in Berlin last month, the International Conference on Anti-Semitism. You understand that anti-Semitism is not a problem of the past; the hatred of Jews did not die in a Berlin bunker. In its cruder forms, it can be found in some Arab media, and this government will continue to call upon Arab governments to end libels and incitements. (Applause.) Such hatred can also take subtler forms. The demonization of Israel, the most extreme anti-Zionist rhetoric can be a flimsy cover for anti-Semitism, and contribute to an atmosphere of fear in which synagogues are desecrated, people are slandered, folks are threatened. I will continue to call upon our friends in Europe to renounce and fight any sign of anti-Semitism in their midst. (Applause.)

We are living through historic times. We are called to do important work in the world. We will stand together against bigotry in every land and every language. We will answer violent men with patient, determined justice. We will expand human freedom and the peace that freedom brings. And by our resolve, and by our courage, we will prevail. (Applause.)

I want to thank you -- I want to thank you for your dedication to the security of America and to the safety of Israel. I want to thank you for your warm hospitality today. May God bless America. May God bless Israel. Thank you for coming. Thank you all for your time. Thank you all. (Applause.)